Localized Strategies for Addressing the Workforce Crisis in Home Care

Source: Allison Cook, PHI, Issue Brief, November 12, 2019

From the summary:
The United States is facing a home care workforce crisis that profoundly impacts older adults, people with disabilities, and family caregivers. While resolving the crisis will require concerted action at the state and national levels, there is also an important role for local governments and stakeholders to play. This issue brief presents a range of localized strategies for strengthening the home care workforce, along with real-world examples.

Key Takeaways:
• This issue brief presents a range of localized strategies for strengthening the home care workforce, along with examples.
• Local stakeholders are well-placed to identify and implement targeted strategies for strengthening the home care workforce.
• The home care workforce crisis reverberates across local regions, states, and the nation, and must be addressed at each of these levels.

Occupational exposure to disinfectants and asthma incidence in U.S. nurses: A prospective cohort study

Source: Orianne Dumas, Krislyn M. Boggs, Catherine Quinot, Raphaëlle Varraso, Jan‐Paul Zock, Paul K. Henneberger, Frank E. Speizer, Nicole Le Moual, Carlos A. Camargo Jr., American Journal of Industrial Medicine, Early View, November 6, 2019
(subscription required)

From the abstract:
Exposure to disinfectants among healthcare workers has been associated with respiratory health effects, in particular, asthma. However, most studies are cross‐sectional and the role of disinfectant exposures in asthma development requires longitudinal studies. We investigated the association between occupational exposure to disinfectants and incident asthma in a large cohort of U.S. female nurses.

The Nurses’ Health Study II is a prospective cohort of 116 429 female nurses enrolled in 1989. Analyses included 61 539 participants who were still in a nursing job and with no history of asthma in 2009 (baseline; mean age: 55 years). During 277 744 person‐years of follow‐up (2009‐2015), 370 nurses reported incident physician‐diagnosed asthma. Occupational exposure was evaluated by questionnaire and a Job‐Task‐Exposure Matrix (JTEM). We examined the association between disinfectant exposure and subsequent asthma development, adjusted for age, race, ethnicity, smoking status, and body mass index.

Weekly use of disinfectants to clean surfaces only (23% exposed) or to clean medical instruments (19% exposed) was not associated with incident asthma (adjusted hazard ratio [95% confidence interval] for surfaces, 1.12 [0.87‐1.43]; for instruments, 1.13 [0.87‐1.48]). No association was observed between high‐level exposure to specific disinfectants/cleaning products evaluated by the JTEM (formaldehyde, glutaraldehyde, bleach, hydrogen peroxide, alcohol quats, or enzymatic cleaners) and asthma incidence.

In a population of late career nurses, we observed no significant association between exposure to disinfectants and asthma incidence. A potential role of disinfectant exposures in asthma development warrants further study among healthcare workers at earlier career stage to limit the healthy worker effect.

Race and Networks in the Job Search Process

Source: David S. Pedulla, Devah Pager, American Sociological Review, OnlineFirst, November 7, 2019
(subscription required)

From the abstract:
Racial disparities persist throughout the employment process, with African Americans experiencing significant barriers compared to whites. This article advances the understanding of racial labor market stratification by bringing new theoretical insights and original data to bear on the ways social networks shape racial disparities in employment opportunities. We develop and articulate two pathways through which networks may perpetuate racial inequality in the labor market: network access and network returns. In the first case, African American job seekers may receive fewer job leads through their social networks than white job seekers, limiting their access to employment opportunities. In the second case, black and white job seekers may utilize their social networks at similar rates, but their networks may differ in effectiveness. Our data, with detailed information about both job applications and job offers, provide the unique ability to adjudicate between these processes. We find evidence that black and white job seekers utilize their networks at similar rates, but network-based methods are less likely to lead to job offers for African Americans. We then theoretically develop and empirically test two mechanisms that may explain these differential returns: network placement and network mobilization. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for scholarship on racial stratification and social networks in the job search process.

Status Characteristics, Implicit Bias, and the Production of Racial Inequality

Source: David Melamed, Christopher W. Munn, Leanne Barry, Bradley Montgomery, Oneya F. Okuwobi, American Sociological Review, OnlineFirst Published November 7, 2019
(subscription required)

From the abstract:
Racial stratification is well documented in many spheres of social life. Much stratification research assumes that implicit or explicit bias on the part of institutional gatekeepers produces disparate racial outcomes. Research on status-based expectations provides a good starting point for theoretically understanding racial inequalities. In this context it is understood that race results in differential expectations for performance, producing disparate outcomes. But even here, the mechanism (i.e., status-based expectations) is often assumed due to the lack of tools to measure status-based expectations. In this article, we put forth a new way to measure implicit racial status beliefs and theorize how they are related to consensual beliefs about what “most people” think. This enables us to assess the mechanisms in the relationship between race and disparate outcomes. We conducted two studies to assess our arguments. Study 1 demonstrates the measurement properties of the implicit status measure. Study 2 shows how implicit status beliefs and perceptions of what “most people” think combine to shape social influence. We conclude with the implications of this work for social psychological research, and for racial stratification more generally.

The Constant Caregiver: Work–family Spillover among Men and Women in Nursing

Source: Marci D Cottingham, Jamie J Chapman, Rebecca J Erickson, Work, Employment and Society, OnlineFirst Published November 8, 2019
(subscription required)

From the abstract:
Work–family spillover is a central concept in the work and occupations literature, with prior research detailing its negative outcomes and gendered dimensions. With increased demands for careworkers and more men entering occupations such as nursing, we examine experiences and perceptions of spillover using qualitative data from a diverse sample of 48 US nurses. We find similarities across men and women in terms of exhaustion and stress as well as in anticipating spillover in their careers. Yet, we also find some differences, with men (but not women) highlighting the transfer of emotional capital between work and family. We extend work–family research by broadening the concept of spillover to include its anticipation and the transfer of emotional capital – both aspects that have been previously under-examined. These findings have implications for the retention and support of careworkers and refine the concept of spillover in ways that could apply to various employment sectors.

In the Shadow of State Government: Changes in Municipal Spending After Two Recessions

Source: Rebecca Hendrick, Robert P. Degnan, The American Review of Public Administration, OnlineFirst Published November 6, 2019
(subscription required)

From the abstract:
This research estimates a model of own-source revenue diversification and a model of changes in operational spending in municipal governments from 1997 to 2012 to determine how these governments have adapted to the two significant recessions that occurred during this time period. The first model examines factors that affect revenue diversification, focusing on the state–local fiscal context and how the level of urbanization of the area surrounding the municipalities impacts the effect of state–local context and other factors. The second model examines how municipal governments in the United States have adapted their spending to the two severe recessions of the 2000s, focusing on how state context, revenue diversification, and other factors affect changes in operational spending. Finally, this research also looks at the conditional effects of the size of government on the impact of state context, environmental pressures, and revenue structure on changes in operational spending.

Running While Female: Using AI to Track how Twitter Commentary Disadvantages Women in the 2020 U.S. Primaries

Source: Sarah Oates, Olya Gurevich, Christopher Walker, Lucina Di Meco, Philip Merrill College of Journalism – University of Maryland, The Wilson Center, and Marvelous AI, August 28, 2019

From the abstract:
While there is conclusive research that female political candidates are treated unfairly by traditional media outlets, the volume and pace of information flow online make it difficult to track the differentiated treatment for female candidates on social media in real time. This paper leverages human coding and natural language processing to cluster tweets into narratives concerned with policy, ideology, character, identity, and electability, focusing on the Democratic candidates in the 2020 U.S. Presidential primary election. We find that female candidates are frequently marginalized and attacked on character and identity issues that are not raised for their male counterparts, echoing the problems found in the traditional media in the framing of female candidates. Our research found a Catch-22 for female candidates, in that they either failed to garner serious attention at all or, if they became a subject of Twitter commentary, were attacked on issues of character and identity that were not raised for their male counterparts. At the same time, women running for president received significantly more negative tweets from right-leaning and non-credible sources than did male candidates. Following the first Democratic debates, the individual differences between male and female candidates became even more pronounced, although at least one female candidate (Elizabeth Warren) seemed to rise above the character attacks by the end of the first debates. We propose that by using artificial intelligence informed by traditional political communication theory, we can much more readily identify and challenge both sexist comments and coverage at scale. We use the concept of narratives by searching for political communication narratives about female candidates that are visible, enduring, resonant, and relevant to particular campaign messages. A real-time measurement system, developed by MarvelousAI, creates a way to allow candidates to identify and push back against sexist framing on social media and take control of their own narratives much more readily.

Do US TRAP Laws Trap Women Into Bad Jobs?

Source: Kate Bahn, Adriana Kugler, Melissa Holly Mahoney & Annie McGrew, Feminist Economics, August 19, 2019
(subscription required)

From the abstract:
This study explores the impact of women’s access to reproductive healthcare on labor market opportunities in the US. Previous research finds that access to the contraception pill delayed age at first birth and increased access to a university degree, labor force participation, and wages for women. This study examines how access to contraceptives and abortions impacts job mobility. If women cannot control family planning or doing so is heavily dependent on staying in one job, it is more difficult to plan for and take risks in their careers. Using data from the Current Population Survey’s Outgoing Rotation Group, this study finds that Targeted Restrictions on Abortion Providers (TRAP) laws increased “job lock.” Women in states with TRAP laws are less likely to move between occupations and into higher-paying occupations. Moreover, public funding for medically necessary abortions increases full-time occupational mobility, and contraceptive insurance coverage increases transitions into paid employment.

CEO compensation has grown 940% since 1978 – Typical worker compensation has risen only 12% during that time

Source: Lawrence Mishel and Julia Wolfe, Economic Policy Institute, August 14, 2019

From the summary:
What this report finds: The increased focus on growing inequality has led to an increased focus on CEO pay. Corporate boards running America’s largest public firms are giving top executives outsize compensation packages. Average pay of CEOs at the top 350 firms in 2018 was $17.2 million—or $14.0 million using a more conservative measure. (Stock options make up a big part of CEO pay packages, and the conservative measure values the options when granted, versus when cashed in, or “realized.”) CEO compensation is very high relative to typical worker compensation (by a ratio of 278-to-1 or 221-to-1). In contrast, the CEO-to-typical-worker compensation ratio (options realized) was 20-to-1 in 1965 and 58-to-1 in 1989. CEOs are even making a lot more—about five times as much—as other earners in the top 0.1%. From 1978 to 2018, CEO compensation grew by 1,007.5% (940.3% under the options-realized measure), far outstripping S&P stock market growth (706.7%) and the wage growth of very high earners (339.2%). In contrast, wages for the typical worker grew by just 11.9%.

Why it matters: Exorbitant CEO pay is a major contributor to rising inequality that we could safely do away with. CEOs are getting more because of their power to set pay, not because they are increasing productivity or possess specific, high-demand skills. This escalation of CEO compensation, and of executive compensation more generally, has fueled the growth of top 1.0% and top 0.1% incomes, leaving less of the fruits of economic growth for ordinary workers and widening the gap between very high earners and the bottom 90%. The economy would suffer no harm if CEOs were paid less (or taxed more).

How we can solve the problem: We need to enact policy solutions that would both reduce incentives for CEOs to extract economic concessions and limit their ability to do so. Such policies could include reinstating higher marginal income tax rates at the very top; setting corporate tax rates higher for firms that have higher ratios of CEO-to-worker compensation; establishing a luxury tax on compensation such that for every dollar in compensation over a set cap, a firm must pay a dollar in taxes; reforming corporate governance to give other stakeholders better tools to exercise countervailing power against CEOs’ pay demands; and allowing greater use of “say on pay,” which allows a firm’s shareholders to vote on top executives’ compensation.

Press Release

Tax Justice Is Gender Justice

Source: National Women’s Law Center, November 2019

From the abstract:
The tax code sets the rules that shape our economy, reflecting and perpetuating notions of who and what our society values. It’s an opportunity to fight inequality. But today’s tax code contains outdated and often biased assumptions about family structures, marriage, participation in the paid workforce, and more that work together to perpetuate structural barriers against women, families with low incomes, and people of color. The tax code can be a barrier for realizing gender justice – but it can also be a tool. It’s time we take advantage.

Executive Summary

Reports include:
The Faulty Foundations of the Tax Code
Source: Ariel Jurow Kleiman (University of San Diego School of Law), Amy K. Matsui, and Estelle Mitchell, National Women’s Law Center, November 2019

This paper examines the outdated assumptions and gender and racial biases embedded in the U.S. tax code. It highlights tax code provisions that reflect and exacerbate gender disparities, with particular attention to those that disadvantage women with low incomes, women of color, members of the LGBTQ community, people with disabilities, and immigrants.

Reckoning With the Hidden Rules of Gender in the Tax Code
Source: Katy Milani, Melissa Boteach,Steph Sterling, Sarah Hassmer, Roosevelt Institute & National Women’s Law Center, November 2019

Low taxes for the wealthy and corporations have played a role in enabling – and in some cases encouraging – those with the highest incomes and the most capital to accumulate outsized wealth and power in our economy. Centuries of discrimination and subjugation of women and people of color interact today with widening income inequality, such that white, non-Hispanic men are disproportionately represented among the wealthiest households, while labor and economic contributions from women of color are consistently undervalued. An agenda to advance racial and gender justice must reckon with provisions in our tax code perpetuate and enable these inequities.

A Tax Code for the Rest of Us: A Framework & Recommendations for Advancing Gender & Racial Equity Through Tax Credits
Source: Melissa Boteach, Amy K. Matsui, Indivar Dutta-Gupta, Kali Grant, Funke Aderonmu, Rachel Black, Georgetown Institute on Poverty and Inequality & National Women’s Law Center, November 2019

While the U.S. income tax system is progressive overall, many aspects of the tax code reward wealth-building by the already wealthy and exclude low- and moderate-income families. Given the historical discrimination and ongoing structural barriers that have locked women and people of color out of economic opportunity, such tax provisions not only exacerbate economic inequality, but also amplify gender and racial disparities. This report considers the question: how can our tax code build on the success of the EITC and CTC to better dismantle structural barriers that impede economic security and wealth-building for women and people of color? It ultimately proposes a framework to help policymakers, advocates, and the public evaluate when and how refundable tax credits can advance equity, economic mobility, and opportunity for all.