Source: Heidi Hartmann, Institute for Women’s Policy Research, IWPR #B260, Testimony presented to the Joint Economic Committee, May 2008
First, I want to stress that the context of women’s employment has changed over time. If women ever worked for “pin money” they certainly no longer do. Women’s earnings are a large and critical share of the economic support of families in the United States today: Women’s earnings constitute 45 percent of all earnings that support families. The most typical family with children today is one in which both parents are working. That and the large number of families supported by working mothers alone mean that just about as many children have working mothers as have working fathers. Women’s earnings are especially important to the support of children who do not live with their fathers. Even though the typical woman who works full-time, year-round earns only about ¾ of what the typical man earns, more than 7 million families with children relied solely or mainly on the mother’s earnings in 2006.
Source: Erica Williams, Institute for Women’s Policy Research in partnership with The New York Women’s Foundation, June 2008
From the press release:
Women in New York State fare worse economically than they did in 1989, according to The New York Women’s Foundation’s new report, The Economic Status of Women in New York State.
The report, researched and authored by the Institute for Women’s Policy Research (IWPR), examines how women in New York State fare in two areas: employment and earnings and social and economic autonomy. While the report finds substantial potential for women’s economic progress, it also depicts a stark and alarming portrait of poverty in a wealthy society, particularly for women of color.
Source: Institute for Women’s Policy Research, Press release, 2008
The Institute for Women’s Policy Research has found that improving pay equity between women and men would create substantial economic gains for women and their families. IWPR finds that in 2008 dollars the typical woman worker would gain $5,710–an economy-wide gain of a staggering $319 billion–if equal pay were the norm. Over a 35-year working life, the typical woman would gain $210,000.
Equal Pay for Working Families: National and State Data on the Pay Gap and its Costs, 1999
Source: Hannah Riley Bowles, and Kathleen L. McGinn, Harvard Business School NOM Working Paper No. 08-095, May, 13 2008
From the abstract:
We propose a two-level-game perspective on gender in job negotiations. At Level 1, candidates negotiate with the employers. At Level 2, candidates negotiate with domestic partners. In order to illuminate the interplay between these two levels, we review literature from two separate bodies of literature. Research in psychology and organizational behavior on candidate-employer negotiations sheds light on the effects of gender on Level 1 negotiations. Research from economics and sociology on intra-household bargaining elucidates how negotiations over the allocation of domestic labor at Level 2 influence labor force participation at Level 1. In conclusion, we integrate practical implications from these two bodies of literature to propose a set of prescriptive suggestions for candidates to approach job negotiations as a two-level game and to minimize disadvantageous effects of gender on job negotiation outcomes.
Source: National Women’s Law Center, 2008
From the summary:
Making the Grade on Women’s Health: A National and State-by-State Report Card is the first-ever report card to assess the overall health of women at the national and state levels. The Report Card is designed to promote the health and well-being of women in the United States by providing the most comprehensive assessment to date of women’s health.
Source: Delia Furtado, Heinrich Hock, IZA Discussion Paper No. 3506, May 2008
The negative correlation between female employment and fertility in industrialized nations has weakened since the 1960s, particularly in the United States. We suggest that the continuing influx of low-skilled immigrants has led to a substantial reduction in the trade-off between work and childrearing facing American women. The evidence we present indicates that low-skilled immigration has driven down wages in the US child-care sector. More affordable child-care has, in turn, increased the fertility of college graduate native females. Although childbearing is generally associated with temporary exit from the labor force, immigrant-led declines in the price of child-care has reduced the extent of role incompatibility between fertility and work.
Source: EBN Industry inBrief, July 10, 2008
Women live an average of 22 years after retirement, compared with just 19 years for men. The longevity difference, combined with the disparity in pay between the sexes, does not portend well for women, according to a new study by Hewitt Associates.
Source: Maria Fitzpatrick, US Census Bureau Center for Economic Studies, Paper no. CES-WP-08-04, March 01, 2008
Three states (Georgia, Oklahoma and Florida) recently introduced Universal Pre- Kindergarten (Universal Pre-K) programs offering free preschool to all age-eligible children, and policy makers in many other states are promoting similar policies. How do such policies affect the participation of children in preschool programs (or do they merely substitute for preschool offered by the market)? Does the implicit child care subsidy afforded by Universal Pre-K change maternal labor supply? I present a model that includes preferences for child quality and shows the directions of change in preschool enrollment and maternal labor supply in response to Universal Pre-K programs are theoretically ambiguous. Using restricted-access data from the Census, together with year and birthday based eligibility cutoffs, I employ a regression discontinuity framework to estimate the effects of Universal Pre-K availability. Universal Pre-K availability increases preschool enrollment by 12 to 15 percent, with the largest effect on children of women with less than a Bachelor’s Degree. Universal Pre-K availability has little effect on the labor supply of most women. However, women residing in rural areas in Georgia increase their children’s preschool enrollment and their own employment by 22 and 20 percent, respectively, when Universal Pre-K is available.
Source: Stephanie Luce and Eve Weinbaum, New Labor Forum, Vol. 17, Issue 2, Summer 2008
The labor movement’s future success depends on its ability to organize increasing numbers of workers of color and women workers who are concentrated in low-wage jobs. Scholars and activists have focused on questions of how to organize these workers, how to promote women’s activism and develop leadership, and how to diversify union staff and leaders to better represent the workers they are organizing. If organizing low-wage women workers is essential, then we need a better understanding of who these women workers are, and what they are doing. Who makes up this low-wage workforce? Where do they work? How do we define low wages? What has worked to raise wages and improve working conditions for these women–job training, career mobility, organizing? And what are unions doing to address the needs of this group of workers?
Source: Leslie E. Tower
Review of Public Personnel Administration
Vol. 28, No. 2, 144-165 (2008)
Women in the workforce, especially those in professional and management positions, are doubly burdened by social traditions that expect workers to meet masculine standards at the office while maintaining their feminine role of nurturer at home. This article studies the social costs of female career progression using a survey of 1,600 respondents from different levels of the public sector. The results show that working women have an increased incidence of being single or divorced, married working women tend to have more housework responsibilities, and working women have fewer children or are childless. The article concludes that government and business organizations need to pay serious attention to this hidden problem of social costs that affect women and men disproportionately.