Source: Caitlyn Kellogg, Yujun Zhu, Valeria Cardenas, Katalina Vazquez, Kayla Johari, Anna Rahman, Susan Enguidanos, The Gerontologist, Advance Access, published April 20, 2018
From the abstract:
Although patient-centered care is an expressed value of our healthcare system, no studies have examined what consumers say in online reviews about nursing homes (NHs). Insight into themes addressed in these reviews could inform improvement efforts that promote patient-centered NH care.
Research Design and Methods:
We analyzed nursing home (NH) Yelp reviews. From a list of all NHs in California, we drew a purposeful sample of 51 NHs, selecting facilities representing a range of geographical areas and occupancy rates. Two research teams analyzed the reviews using grounded theory to identify codes and tracked how frequently each code was mentioned.
We evaluated 264 reviews, identifying 24 codes, grouped under five categories: quality of staff care and staffing; physical facility and setting; resident safety and security; clinical care quality; and financial issues. More than half (53.41%) of Yelp reviewers posted comments related to staff attitude and caring and nearly a third (29.2%) posted comments related to staff responsiveness. Yelp reviewers also often posted about NHs’ physical environment. Infrequently mentioned were the quality of health care provided and concerns about resident safety and security.
Discussion and Implications:
Our results are consistent with those from related studies. Yelp reviewers focus on NH aspects that are not evaluated in most other NH rating systems. The federal Nursing Home Compare website, for instance, does not report measures of staff attitudes or the NH’s physical setting. Rather, it reports measures of staffing levels and clinical processes and outcomes. We recommend that NH consumers consult both types of rating systems because they provide complementary information.
Source: Melissa M. Favreault and Richard W. Johnson, Center for Retirement Research at Boston College, WP#2018-1, March 2018
From the abstract:
We use two historical data sources – the Health and Retirement Study and the Medicare Current Beneficiary Study – to consider the patterns in older Americans’ severe disability and their use of long-term services and supports (LTSS) by age and socioeconomic status. We then use a dynamic microsimulation model to project how the effects of various interventions to support those with severe disabilities and their caregivers would be distributed across the income distribution. The interventions that we examine fall into three broad classes: tax credits for caregiving expenses, respite care for people in the community with family caregivers, and new social insurance programs. Within each broad class of policies, we examine how sensitive outcomes are to changes in policy details (such as, in the case of tax credits, deductible levels, refundability, and income phase-outs).
This paper found that:
– Older adults with less education and less wealth are more likely to report disabilities and service use than their more educated and wealthier counterparts.
– This pattern persists when we look at people at a point in time but also, more robustly, when we look at their disabilities prospectively. In a sample of older adults who do not report disabilities at baseline, we find that those with fewer economic resources earlier in life are generally more likely to develop disabilities and use paid LTSS over the next two decades, but the differences narrow when we restrict the sample to people who do not develop disabilities until their late 70s.
The policy implications of this paper are:
– The uneven distribution of disability risks across the population poses challenges for developing effective LTSS policies. Those most likely to need LTSS often lack enough resources to contribute to LTSS programs, and programs that try to contain costs by using underwriting or imposing work requirements often disqualify those who most need coverage.
– Certain classes of policies, such as respite care benefits, tend to direct much of their benefits to those in lower income quintiles, according to our projections. Caregiver tax credits and social insurance programs generally distribute benefits more proportionally, although impacts vary depending on how the policies are specified.
– Policy design details can significantly affect distributional outcomes. Provisions’ effects can be sensitive to the stacking order in which they are implemented.
– It can be useful to examine trends and proposals not only cross-sectionally but also over longer time periods. For example, the distributional effects of social insurance programs depend on the relatively high early-life mortality of those with less education and lower earnings and wealth.
Source: Nicole DePasquale, Martin J Sliwinski, Steven H Zarit, Orfeu M Buxton, David M Almeida, The Gerontologist, Advance Access, Published: January 19, 2018
From the abstract:
Background and Objectives:
Although sleep is a critical health outcome providing insight into overall health, well-being, and role functioning, little is known about the sleep consequences of simultaneously occupying paid and unpaid caregiving roles. This study investigated the frequency with which women employed in U.S.-based nursing homes entered and exited unpaid caregiving roles for children (double-duty-child caregivers), adults (double-duty-elder caregivers), or both (triple-duty caregivers), as well as examined how combinations of and changes in these caregiving roles related to cross-sectional and longitudinal sleep patterns.
Research Design and Methods:
The sample comprised 1,135 women long-term care employees who participated in the baseline wave of the Work, Family, and Health Study and were assessed at three follow-up time points (6-, 12-, and 18-months). Sleep was assessed with items primarily adapted from the Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index and wrist actigraphic recordings. Multilevel models with data nested within persons were applied.
Women long-term care employees entered and exited the unpaid elder caregiving role most frequently. At baseline, double-duty-child and triple-duty caregivers reported shorter sleep quantity and poorer sleep quality than their counterparts without unpaid caregiving roles, or workplace-only caregivers. Double-duty-elder caregivers also reported shorter sleep duration compared to workplace-only caregivers. Over time, double-duty-elder caregiving role entry was associated with negative changes in subjective sleep quantity and quality.
Discussion and Implications:
Simultaneously occupying paid and unpaid caregiving roles has negative implications for subjective sleep characteristics. These results call for further research to advance understanding of double-and-triple-duty caregivers’ sleep health and facilitate targeted intervention development.
Source: Kanika Arora, Douglas A. Wolf, Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, Volume 37, Issue 1, Winter 2018
From the abstract:
The intent of Paid Family Leave (PFL) is to make it financially easier for individuals to take time off from paid work to care for children and seriously ill family members. Given the linkages between care provided by family members and the usage of paid services, we examine whether California’s PFL program influenced nursing home utilization in California during the 1999 to 2008 period. This is the first empirical study to examine the effects of PFL on long-term care patterns. Multivariate difference-in-difference estimates across alternative comparison groups provide consistent evidence that the implementation of PFL reduced the proportion of the elderly population in nursing homes by 0.5 to 0.7 percentage points. Our preferred estimate, employing an empirically-matched group of control states, finds that PFL reduced nursing home usage by about 0.65 percentage points. For California, this represents an 11 percent relative decline in elderly nursing home utilization.
Source: Scott C. Williams, David J. Morton, Susan Yendro, Home Health Care Management & Practice, Vol 30, Issue 1, 2018
From the abstract:
This was a descriptive study comparing 1,582 accredited and 10,008 nonaccredited home health agencies over a 3-year period using the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services Home Health Compare data set. Metrics included the star rating and 22 quality measures. A longitudinal model was used to determine differences between accredited and nonaccredited organizations on the quality measures. Categorical differences in star ratings and risk-adjusted outcome categories were analyzed using a chi-square test. Accredited agencies had statistically higher star ratings than nonaccredited organizations (3.4 vs. 3.2, p < .001), and they were more likely to be categorized 4, 4.5, and 5 star organizations (p < .001). Absolute differences between accredited and nonaccredited agencies on the OASIS quality measures were generally small but consistently favored accredited facilities over all 3 years studied (p < .05).
Source: Leah Fried, Labor Notes, May 26, 2017
After close to three years of negotiations, stickers and leaflets weren’t getting the boss any closer to a fair agreement. The master contract covering 10,000 nursing home workers in Illinois had been expired for two years and extended several times.
Management was insisting on a wage freeze until Illinois overcame its budget impasse and increased Medicaid reimbursements. Long-term workers were languishing at minimum wage, even when their employers had begun offering higher wages to entice new hires.
Meanwhile, staffing was dangerously short. Often a certified nursing assistant was forced to care for 20 or more residents in an eight-hour shift—bathing, feeding, and assisting them at a furious pace. On top of keeping the nursing home clean, a housekeeper had to collect meal trays for hundreds of residents because there weren’t enough dietary aides.
To win a new agreement, it was clear that workers would need to be prepared to strike.
But their local, Service Employees (SEIU) Healthcare Illinois-Indiana (HCII), hadn’t ever waged a strike over its master nursing home contract. In fact, the last time there was a nursing home strike at any of these facilities was in 1979. The local’s previous contract campaigns had been lackluster. Mobilization had been limited to stickers, petitions, and a practice picket.
And giving each nursing home the organizing attention it needed now was a huge challenge. The bargaining unit covers 28 different employers and 103 facilities statewide…..
Source: Andreas Holtermann, Occupational & Environmental Medicine, Volume 74, Issue 6, 2016
From the introduction:
Low back pain (LBP) is the most important contributor to number of years lived with a disability and a major risk factor for sickness absence and work disability. Occupational groups with physically demanding work, like healthcare workers, have particularly high prevalence of LBP, and a considerable fraction of the LBP is considered to be caused by work-related factors. Moreover, LBP is a particular barrier for sustainable employment among workers with physically demanding work. Therefore, implementation of equipment (mechanical lifts or other assistive devices) for reducing the mechanical loading of healthcare workers during manual handling of residents should theoretically be efficient for preventing LBP and sickness absence among those with LBP. However, interventions implementing equipment for reducing the mechanical loading on healthcare workers during manual handling of residents show conflicting results on LBP. This might be due to the relatively short follow-up period of previous intervention studies introducing equipment for manual handling, which may need longer time before being fully implemented in an organisation. Moreover, it can be caused by lacking repetitive measures of both the implementation of the intervention as well as the often fluctuating level of LBP. Thus, there is a research gap in the documentation of the effects on LBP
Source: Marshall Allen ProPublica, April 27, 2017
Every year nursing homes nationwide flush, burn or throw out tons of valuable prescription drugs. Iowa collects them and gives them to needy patients for free. Most other states don’t.
Source: Stephen Campbell, PHI, Issue Brief, March 2017
From the summary:
Direct care workers—nursing assistants, home health aides, and personal care aides who support older Americans and people with disabilities—are among America’s lowest paid workers, often struggling to access health coverage. However, new coverage numbers show that this workforce benefited substantially from the Affordable Care Act (ACA). Between 2010 and 2014, half a million direct care workers gained coverage. At the same time, the uninsured rate across this workforce decreased by 26 percent. As the Trump administration and the new Congress consider the future of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) and Medicaid, it is important to consider the impact of these changes on this critical U.S. workforce.
Source: PHI, 2017
In 2017, PHI began identifying the most pressing policy issues facing direct care workers. Our research, unique industry expertise, and partnerships with state and national leaders aptly position us to address a worsening concern: direct care workers are walking away from this sector at a time when we need critical supports to age in our homes and communities. In turn, families and the agencies that serve them are left with few options.
Recognizing a growing workforce shortage among our nation’s home care aides, nursing aides, and personal care aides, as well as the need to provide quality care to a rapidly growing population of older people and people with disabilities, PHI launched a national campaign: 60 Caregiver Issues.
Over the course of two years, PHI will release a new issue every 2-3 weeks, inspiring policy makers and long-term care leaders to pinpoint what needs to be done to remedy this shortage and create a vibrant, sustainable system of long-term care.